1. Dialectics between common good and private good.
2. Utilization of the communal monetary mass.
3. Investment credits.
4. Consumption finances.
1. General Statute.
2. Utilitarian Statute.
3. Liberal Statute.
4. Mixed Statute.
5. Municipalization of land.
6. Disappearance of classes for money reasons.
7. Summary of the last chapters.

To make disappear, peacefully, all the social misery and proscription because of money: that is the challenge.

1. Dialectics between common good and private good.

The disappearance of social classes for money reasons can only be attained, in our opinion, through a continuous dialogue and dialectics between the wealth of private persons (individuals and collectivities) and the wealth of collective persons (which is fairly shared out among all its members). More specifically, through a permanent money osmosis among all the social bodies and among all the members of the geopolitical society.

We do not believe in the false solution of the state control of all the wealth or of all the means of wealth production. In the first place the State, as a manager of the empire, is only a particular collective person and, therefore, putting it under the State control is not an act of communalization, but of privatisation. But, moreover, we all know which is the end of the state-controlled production systems: paralysed by the bureaucratic planning and the longing for power, and completely unable to face with dignity the communal needs.

Now, we do not think either that we should trust the persons' good-will, nor force altruistic generosities.

The problem is then, how to create a sufficient monetary mass to face all the actual community needs, without having to disturb in excess (in the best of cases, nothing at all) private persons and their private wealth. The problem is, how to take advantage of the natural utilitarian egotism of man, to build on its basis practical and effective mechanisms of full social solidarity.

While it becomes possible to bring into practice much more satisfactory system at all levels¹⁹, we suggest the constitution of a communal monetary mass based on one single tax of social omni-solidarity. In chapter 7 of Part Two we have given all the technical specifications concerning the features of this single tax; we shall now take for granted all that has been said there.

The whole State action will be founded basically on this single tax as far as the sharing out of the communal wealth is concerned: to this end, the percentage on every cheque-invoice will have to be fixed in terms of the needs which will have to be met.

Now, at the same time as the centralized all-accountancy of all the cheque-invoices supplies a deeper and deeper knowledge of the total market and its possibilities, the politician will be able to use, cautiously, complementary measures to increase the amount of the communal monetary mass. These measures could be the following:

1. imperialization of the market production surpluses actually existing on the market, in order to invent the monetary mass exactly equivalent to them.
2. imperialization of all the positive current account balances (production, production savings and consumption savings), which will constitute the accounting guarantee of the previous invention of money: these imperialized balances will earn a 6% interest, paid by the Treasury.
3. Partial and selective freezing of all the production current accounts and production savings current accounts -and also, in serious cases, of consumption savings- to be credited to the productive sectors which, at a given moment, appear to be showing a deficit.

But we have spoken about a dialectics between the common good and the private good, between communal wealth and private wealth. What will this dialectics be made of? We are simply referring to the following set of facts:

1. the production and consumption of utilitarian goods will go on belonging to the private field, as up to now in the «capitalistic» world. Why so? simply because the motive of private agents, in this field, is always the obtention of benefits, of their own benefits; and this motive causes a competitiveness which all along history has demonstrated being the most effective system and motor of a dynamic and productive utilitarianism.
2. But, from the market productivity and dynamism, through the multiplication of the number of changes implied, there results a proportional increase of the communal monetary mass obtained through taxation, and also of that obtained through the other complementary means mentioned. Then, the greater the private good, the greater will be the common good, in the same proportion.
3. And, to lock the cycle, the communal monetary mass, being shared among private persons (individual and collective), becomes re-privatized and, as such, will go back to the private market, revitalizing it and driving it towards a greater and better productivity and dynamism of the private utilitarian production and consumption.

Since the utilitarian, productive and consumer sector of society has been held under the free private initiative, the communal monetary mass obtained can be said to be in terms of the utilitarian selfishness of population, since the more is produced and consumed, and the more this mass grows, mainly if we consider that the single tax will not be heavy and, therefore, will not slow down with its burden the utilitarian processes.

After being constituted, the communal monetary mass must serve the aims of the full social solidarity. That is, it must be shared out, re-privatized, among all the members of the imperial community, in terms of the specific needs of each of them, and in terms of the global interests of the community.

We foresee two very well differentiated systems of sharing out:

1. communal investment credits, in order to protect and foster the utilitarian-productive vocations, and especially if they are in a line the community holds to be suitable.
2. communal consumption finances, in order to supply all the members of the imperial community enough purchasing power to meet their consumption needs.

3. Investment credits.

Communal investment credits will be granted:

1. to companies which want to make an investment needed to increase their productive effectiveness, but have not enough purchasing power, and which, besides, offer full guarantee that they will be able to carry on their investment project succesfully.
2. to candidates for operators, with a managerial project offering a guarantee of success, but without enough resources to start their project nor to apply for a bank loan.

The conditions of the communal investment credit, which will differentiate it very clearly from an ordinary bank loan, will be the following:

1. The person to whom the credit is granted shall not need any guarantor of any sort neither on property nor on already existing assets: his only guarantee will be the productive-technical ability of the company.
2. The granting of a credit implies the appointment of a joint manager who will supervise the operation of the company and the utilization of the credit on behalf of the Bank granting it.
3. During an initial period of three years -a time period technically needed so that any new productive equipment gives its normal output- no interets will be paid; after these three years, interests will be double than for an ordinary bank loan: half of these interests will be for the granting Bank, and the other half will go to the Treasury, to give out new credits.
4. There is no fixed clause for paying back the credit, but until it has been paid back double interests will have to be paid, and the joint manager appointed by the Bank will stay in the company.

Now, through the communal credits can be fostered one or another sort of company formation, which be found to be suitable and interesting. So, after the basic effectiveness principle, preferential credit lines can be established for the companies showing given features: starting a self-management process (or full self-management); optimization of the company size...

4. Consumption finances.

Communal consumption finances are sunk money investments (that is: free) to be spent solely and exclusively for consumption.

The principle to be followed in the sharing out of finances is not that of productive effectiveness, but that of the actual consumnption needs of the population, which must be met according to the principle of a total communal solidarity.

The objective pursued by means of these finances is to have all the misery and the social proscription for reasons of money to radically disappear, granting everybody a vital minimum. Moreover, finances must allow to make the utilitarian market society independent, and to insure the members of the utilitarian society under some situations, very well defined, which may appear in their lives. All these differential needs of each group of population are shown in the four Financial Statutes foreseen:

I. General Statute.

Constitutionally, every person will enjoy the General Statute for the sole reason of having been born and/or of living in the imperial community: it is then cumulative to each one of the other three statutes.

The General Statute assures to every individual and family citizen a minimum living standard, with which to meet his most urgent material and cultural needs. With this goal in mind, it entitles to the following attributions:

• an individual social-financial solidarity salary, which everybody will receive as a vital minimum from the day of birth to that of death: differentiated according to the degree of social proscription.
• single attributions for engagement, wedding and death.
• periodic attributions for housing and home improvement.
• incidental attributions for motherhood.
• salaries of social-financial solidarity for couples and children.
• salaries of social-financial solidarity for congenital and permanent invalidity or disability.

This statute can be accumulated only to the General Statute. The utilitarian professionals have already ensured their sustenance by the remuneration of their utilitarian activity. But unfavourable conditions may appear for which they must be prepared. So the Utilitarian Statute will give a right to:

• a social-financial solidarity salary of compulsory unemployment.
• a social-financial solidarity salary because of strike.
• a social-financial solidarity salary because of lock-out.
• a social-financial solidarity salary because of illness, accident, or supervened invalidity or disability.

This Statute can be accumulated only to the General Statute. The aim of this Statute is to supply a dignified sustenance to the liberal professionals and collectivities, which, since they do not belong to the utilitarian or market society, cannot be maintained by it.

• Liberal professionals will enjoy individual and familiar salaries of social-financial solidarity, which will vary only in terms of the self-proclaimed degree of altruism and unselfishness of each liberal profession, and of the vocational and social merits of each liberal profession in the service of its fellow citizens and of all society. They will also enjoy ordinary budgets for the practice of the liberal profession, in terms of the technical-professional needs, and of extraordinary budgets in terms of the communal financial possibilities.
• The liberal collectivities will also enjoy ordinary and extraordinary budgets, the ordinary ones calculated in terms of the number of members enrolled in each one of them, the extraordinary ones in terms of the communal financial possibilities, after all the salaries and all the ordinary budgets will have been assured on a dignified and sufficient basis.
• They will also be granted a liberal statute, even if they do not practise the profession:
1. students and apprentices, from 16 to 25 (with the possibility of obtaining justified extensions): they will enjoy a social-financial solidarity salary for students or apprentices;
2. candidates to any election in a liberal institution: from the time they will make public their candidature to the time of the election or non-election, they will enjoy a social-financial solidarity salary for candidates to elections and an electoral campaign budget equal to that of all the other candidates to the same post.

IV. Mixed Statute.

Again this Statute can be accumulated only to the General Statute; but it is called «Mixed» because it can be combined at the same time with private incomes. In fact, it has been studied thinking of artisans, collaborators of mixed companies (private-communal ones) of public building works and services, and also will be able to resort to it the unemployed if they accept a professional-craft training of at least 3 years, and then settle down as artisans in places with a very small population.

So, according to cases, this Statute will entitle to:

• a social-financial solidarity artisan salary, which will round off the profits made by the artisan through the sale of his production; this salary will vary only in terms of the number of inhabitants of the town where the artisan will be active.
• a social-financial solidarity salary of collaborator in a mixed company, to compensate the possible future socialization (at an imperial, ethnic, county, town level), and subsequent attribution of a completely liberal statute, of this company.
• a social-financial solidarity salary for craft training, to round off the social-financial solidarity salary of unemployment, for all those unemployed who wish to become artisans, under the conditions mentioned above.

The land has been, from the beginning of mankind, a communal wealth, that only with the development of a fully monetary market little by little became private. In spite of the fact that we support free property and private initiative inside the market, in the case of land we think that it would be right to give back to this asset its ancestral communal feature, through a progressive socialization on a town level (that is: municipalization).

Only an effective municipalization of the land can ensure the preservation of environment and of the natural wealth, avoid the unsocial speculation on the land, and set the basis for an effective town planning action. It is the town which can closely control the social or unsocial use of this communal asset: then, constitutionally and in the long run, it is the town which must be the only owner of it.

To carry out, progressively and without damaging anybody, this municipalization of the land, we suggest a system based on:

1. a tax on the private property of the land -the only existing tax besides the Company Activity Tax (CAT)-. Any owner of a plot of land, not used for living or for a single-family farming exploitation, will have to pay a tax to the town, calculated as a percentage (for example, 5%) of the sales price of the plot of land on the free market.
2. with the money obtained from this tax, and with the amounts set aside to this end from the communal monetary mass, every town will progressively buy the plots of land, at a free market price, from the owners agreeing to sell. The owner selling to the town will obtain a leasehold contract for 100 years, at a very low price (for example, 1% of the agreed sales price).

6. Disappearance of classes for money reasons.

We put no obstacle in the way of the generation of private wealth. This will be able to develop as up to now, and even better, as we shall free the market from many of its present day limitations, as we shall see in the following chapter. As a consequence, there will still be some people richer than others.

But our goal is not that everybody be the same, even in money. On the contrary, we believe that everybody is different, peculiar, unique, unrepeatable, outstanding... and only before law must individuals be considered as equals in rights.

Our goal then is not the artificial equalization of live peculiarities, but the solidary coexistence in the difference and vital peculiarity of every individual. And this solidary coexistence can only be considerd on a communal level. Our proposal is that of the financial Statutes, social solidarity in direct ratio to the private wealth of the empire taken as a whole.

Through the General Statute, with its minimum individual and family vital salaries; through the Utilitarian Statute, with its salaries of compulsory unemployment, strike and lock-out for indefinite time; through the Liberal Statute, and the subsequent gratuitousness of the liberal services for all the population, it is possible to attain for every member of the community, a minimum vital level, a minimum sustenance level, which must be as high as possible.

This minimum level, depending on the communal solidarity, prevents individuals from depending on the private generosity or selfishness of any other individual. On the basis of this self-sufficiency on the highest possible level, may be based the suppression of all material misery and of all the subsequent social proscription.

This is in our opinion a valid change for a progressive disappearance of classes for reasons of money, based on the vital subordination and dependence of some groups of population on others. Another more difficult thing, slower to be attained, but also possible, is the disappearance of the social classes because of culture, classism, and a whole number of actitudes and superiority feelings, contempt, envy... among classes. But this second goal will start beeing possible after the first one has been established.

7. Summary of the last chapters.

In the last four chapters we have mentioned the basic structures of the new society we are proposing:

1. a strong political and civic archy, but limited in every area to its activity, freedom of decision and personal and exclusive responsibility, during the corresponding elective term of office; together with a justicial archy completely independent from the State and from any pressure group (Chapter 11).
2. a strict monetary legislation, which makes the monetary instrument an instrument of omni-information and personal omni-reponsibilization par excellence (Chapter 12).
3. a total imperialization of the information worked out by the telematic monetary network (Chapter 13).
4. a communal monetary mass, designated to be equally shared out, either with a credit-investment scope, or with a financial-consumer scope (Chapter 14).

In all the cases then it will be necessary to legislate only the minimum necessary laws, very few but very exact, even if generalizing and without useless casuistries. These minimum laws will have the mission of ensuring and granting the development in full freedom and personal responsibility of all the legitimate town activities. This will be so in every social area, whether state-unifederative in the whole imperial territory, or local-confederative in each autonomous territory (district, town, county, ethnic group,interethnic group, ex-empire).

In the following chapters we shall draw some of the minimum laws which it will be necessary to legislate in:

1. the utilitarian-productive society (Chapter 15)
2. the liberal society (Chapter 16)
3. the utilitarian-consumer society (Chapter 17).

¹⁹In this respect, see the Fourth Part and, especially, chapter 23, which ends this work.